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All In With Chris Hayes

News/Business. (2013) New.

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Washington 17, America 10, Dr. King 9, Dr. Martin Luther King 5, Mississippi 4, Alabama 4, The Nation 3, Chris Matthews 3, Martin Luther King 3, Al Sharpton 3, Vietnam 3, Georgia 3, California 2, John Lewis 2, A. Phillip Randolph 2, Msnbc 2, D.c. 2, Trayvon Martin 1, Christ 1, Phillip Agnew 1,
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  MSNBC    All In With Chris Hayes    News/Business.  (2013) New.  

    August 28, 2013
    5:00 - 6:01pm PDT  

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republican party was say back in the 1960s when republican senators, all but two of them back when it was the dixie-crats. they were opponents of blacks getting a real opportunity to vote. that's why my little question tonight as we leave each other, why can't the republicans learn to speak. to set a good example for those right wingers whose racial talk is as henry higgins would say, painful to your ears. that's hardball tonight. thanks for being with us. please stay tuned for a special edition of all in, including the entire, i have a dream speech by dr. martin luther king, jr. that. before kevin finally came home and the first grandchild arrived,
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before the sons-in-law, daughters-in-law, and brad's brief brush with the law... man: smile. before the second british invasion... before katie, debbie, kevin, and brad... before they became a family, there was a connection that started it all and made the future the wonderful thing it turned out to be. we know we're not the center of your life, but we'll do our best to help you connect to what is. the following limited commercial presentation is made possible by bank of america.
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as dawn broke on washington, d.c., 50 years ago today, no one knew what to expect. dr. martin luther king, junior had been up most of the night in his room writing and rewriting the speech he was to give that day, though the most sub lime passage would never appear on that page. the earliest press reports that morning suggested that only about 25,000 people would show up. organizers of the march on washington for jobs and freedom were nervous. putting out fires, working behind the scenes to keep the collision behind the march in tact and preparing to channel the sea of humanity that they hoped to call forth. and then the buses and the trains came, and the people came with them by the thousands. and by that afternoon, more than 200,000 people, black and white spread out before the shadow of the great emancipator, disciplined and skeweding the
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spirit of solidarity. they listened to speakers one by one who called the nation to meet the demands that justice placed upon it, and about 2:40 in the afternoon, the last speaker rose to the lectern. some fretted the tv cameras would be gone by the time the reverend spoke having already left to process film for the evening's news. the crowd leaned forward and this is what they heard. >> i am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history, as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. five score years ago, a great
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american in whose symbolic shadow we stand today signed the emancipation proclamation. this momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. it came as as the joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. but 100 years later, the negro still is not free. one hundred years later, the life of the negro is still sadly crippled by the man aacles of
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segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred years later, the negro lives on a lonely island of poverty, in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. one hundred years later, the negro is still languished in the corners of american society, and finds himself in exile in his own land. so we've come here today to drum ties a shameful condition. in a sense, we've come to our nation's capitol to cash a ch k check. when the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the constitution and the declaration of independence, they were signing a promissory
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note to which every american was to fall heir. this note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. it is obvious today that america has defaulted on this promissory note in so far as her citizens of color are concerned. instead of honoring this sacred obligation, america has given the negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
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[ cheers and applause ] >> but we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. we refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. so we've come to cash this check. a check that will give us upon demand, the riches of freedom and the security of justice. we have also come to this hallowed spot to remind america of the fierce urgency of now. this is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of
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gradu gradualism. now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation through the sun lit path of racial justice. now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to will solid rock of brotherhood. now is the time to make justice a reality for all of god's children. it would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. this sweltering summer of the negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until that is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.
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1963 is not an end, but a beginning. those who hope thatted negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. there will be neither rest nor tranquillity in america until the negro has granted his citizenship rights, the whirlwi
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whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the tofoundatn s. we must conduct our struggle on the high plain of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our created protests to degenerate into physical violence. again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. the marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the negro community must not lead us to a
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disrupt of all white people. for many of our white brothers as evidenced by their presence here today have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. they have come to realize that their freedom is inex-trickably bound to our freedom. we cannot walk alone. as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. we cannot turn back. there are those asking the devotes of civil rights, when will you be satisfied? we can never be satisfied as
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long as the negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with fatigue of travel cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. we cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. we can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "for whites only." we cannot be satisfied as long as the negro in mississippi cannot vote and the negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote.
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no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. i am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution, and staggered by the winds of police brutality. you have been the veterans of creative suffering. continue to work with the faith
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that unearned suffering is redementive. go back to mississippi. go back to alabama. go back to south carolina. go back to georgia, go back to louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities. knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. let us not wallow in the valley of despair. i say to you today, my friend friends -- [ cheers and applause ] >> -- though even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow i still have a dream. it is a dream deeply rooted in the american dream.
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i have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed. we hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal. i have a dream that one day on the red hills of georgia, sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. i have a dream that one day even the state of mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with
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the heat of oppression will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. i have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character. i have a dream today -- [ cheers and applause ] >> i have a dream that one day down in alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and null fiction, one day right there in alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and little white girls as sisters
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and brothers. i have a dream today -- [ applause ] >> i have a dream that one day every valley shall be exhausted, every hill and mountain shall be made low. the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight. and the glory of the lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together. this is our hope. this is the faith that i go back to the south with. with this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. with this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. with this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing
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that we will be free one day. this will be the day when all of god's children will be able to sing with new meaning, my country 'tis of thee. sweet land of liberty, of thee i sing. land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring. and if america is to be a great nation, this must become true. so let freedom ring from the o prodigious hilltops of new hampshire, let freedom ring. from the mighty mountains of new yo york. let freedom ring from the heightening alleghenys of pennsylvania. let freedom ring from the snow
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capped rockies of colorado. let freedom ring from the curvacious slopes of california. but not only that, let freedom ring from stone mountain of georgia. let freedom ring from lookout mountain of tennessee. let freedom ring from every hill and mole hill of mississippi, from every mountainside. let freedom ring. when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of god's children, black men and white men, jus and gentiles, protestants and catholics will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old negro spiritual, free at last, free at last, great god all mighty, we are free at last. >> you've been watching dr.
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martin luther king's i have a dream speech delivered 50 years ago today. good evening, i'm chris hayes, joiningny tonight on this special edition of all in, martin luther king, iii, el nor holmes norton. and an organizer of the 1963 march. and reverend al sharpton. founder and president of the i have a dream network. your father was speaking to the crowd, he was always -- knew that he had one of the largest audiences he was probably going to have. who was the audience to that speech? >> i think the audience has become different than who it was. that day the audience was not just the crowd, but it was congress. it was the president. it really was a nation. now it's become the world in a
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real sense. even though it was a dream he shared for this nation. >> there's a repeated return to a very insistent tone, that if you think we're going to blow off steam and go away, he manages to do this in a way that it is very deftly done, but what comes through is, we are not moving. >> one of the things you have to think about, when you hear the speech in its entirety, is that he laid out some of the same issues that martin the third and i are dealing with today and dealt with saturday. and the congresswoman deals with all the time, he mentioned at least twice police brutality. he talked about economic inequality. he talked about blacks not being able to vote in the south, not feeling we had a reason to vote in the north. if he were to make that speech today, they would call it the grievance industry. he laid out some of the same
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grievances that we are accused of exacerbating today. it's amazing to hear him raise issues that we get condemned for raising. >> particularly the passage, the very striking passage on the promissory note. we have been given a bad check. it has a huge laugh from the crowd. >> by the time he got there, he had laid the predicate. the speech was brilliant. leave aside its oratoricals. he starts out, before you get to the promissory note. he gives you the historical basis for it. the emancipation proclamation. by the time you get to modern times. that has become a real promissory note. when you consider this man -- the speech every -- virtually every other line is a metaphor for the audience. there was -- what the reverend said is very important to the
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note. how do you speak to the audiences that martin indicated, when you know that most of the people there were black, a third were white. you're speaking to the larger american public, to the political establishment. >> the washington post editorial page for instance. >> he was speaking to us, the young militants. he's talked about the marvelous militancy. he managed to admonish us at the same time. don't go overboard. here was the ultimate skill of an orator who can speak to several audiences at one time, and it's as if he -- you would say, yeah, that line was for me. and somehow else will say, and yet -- you're right, it doesn't read like a set of grievances, it reads like a poem. it reads like the otheration of a poem. >> and it's precisely that genius that has brought about the mini-industry of
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appropriating the words of the reverend dr. martin luther king, because there is so much in that speech. and so much in the message, that people -- i want to play a brief sound clip. we're going from the most sub lime to the most mundane, i apologize. this is what 30, 40, 50 years does, which has been appropriated by the conservatives, the right, what he actually meant. take a listen. >> if dr. king were alive today, i believe he would be broken hearted about what has happened to the traditional family, and not only among blacks. >> we feel the spirit of dr. marlt martin luther king jr. who would challenge us to honor the sacred charters of our liberty. >> i believe that gun appreciation day honors the legacy of dr. martin luther king. >> i'm not asking you for a sort of definitive historical account
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of who would not be in the graces of the departed. but it is now a game in american politics to appropriate the legacy of your father for these different political lines. >> actually, it is. that is good and bad. >> how is it good? >> it's good because everyone can sort of immerse themselves and say we do believe in dr. king. now, it's upon others of us, must challenge them to enforce what dad wanted to happen, and not to try to say, well, dr. king fits -- dr. king is against affirmative action, that just is not true. even though he wanted to see the day when his children would be judged not by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character. reality is, i as an older person am judged by the content of my character. trayvon martin was profiled and tragically lost his life.
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masses of young black people are not looked at by the content of their character yet, we have to work on that about. >> if you forgive the med fore, geez us christ is appropriated by everybody from the far right to the catholic church. and that's what happens when you become a universal figure. when what you said appeals across the board. in a real sense, i don't think martin luther king would mind. he would make sure we clarified the way martin is doing now. >> i think even jesus, we at least let the disciples interpret. it was amazing to me, these guys and ladies on the right seem to feel they know dr. king better than his children, better than the people that worked with him. the people that were on his team. i mean, it's like -- even better than the plain historical record. >> he was speaking for himself. >> the march for jobs and freedom pamphlet, i'd like to hear you talk about this, we
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marched to regress old grievances and helped to resolve an american crisis. born of the twin evils of racism and deprivation, their livelihoods destroyed. the negro unemployed are thrown to the streets, driven to despair, all america is robbed of the contribution, at a later point they talk about organizing the unemployed for the march. it will serve no purpose to hold a march. if unemployed people are not able to come and add their voices to the demonstration. >> there was a profound economic message. >> at first it was going to be a march for freedom. a. phillip randolph, you have to get contents of that word. in 1963 -- >> freedom is too -- >> you can appropriate by the way, very easily. if you put jobs in there, one of those who are denying african-americans the right to a job going to do.
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what are those who don't mind having what we have today twice the unemployment rate as blacks and whites. you have to face those facts. the speech was full of facts. it was full of incontrovertible facts. he managed to do that under the guys of poettry. this event was an organizing event. the speech was a crowning moment of american orator. we think now, there's a march on washington. there was no march on washington until there was the march on washington. >> i think it's critical, the organizing that congresswoman is talking about, the organizing to bring people together is what really was the message. you're talking about hundreds of thousands of people that never happened before. they did not know what dr. king was going to do. in hindsight now, we look back. you would think they went to the
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i have a dream march. they did not know about the dream until they got to the march. they went to stand up for freedom and jobs. and once you remove the purposes, then you don't have to deal with the issues. >> how did you -- this is a mundane question. it fascinating me. my father is an organizer. i grew up in a household of organizers. there's no facebook, no internet. no one had pulled this off before. 200,000 people, where are they going to use the bathroom in the mall. this was an unbelievable feat of organizing. >> it was, never had so many people gathered in any single place for a single cause. not to mention black and white people together. frankly, i don't think there was a human being who had enough experience you could put together and pull this off, and remember they had been mentored by a. phillip randolph. he was the only living african-american who had organized a lasting national
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movement, the brotherhood of sleeping carporters. there was all of the expertise there was, and there was enormous doubt everywhere, that it could be pulled off. >> and your father, of course, had been through years of working with buyers and others to build up organizing around the boycott. and organizing around the south. you can't flip a switch on and get 200 people at the capitol. >> you mean 200,000? >> yes. >> absolutely not. but you know, it was -- it really was a coalition, but as the congresswoman stated, it could not have been done without this huge monumental organizing effort. >> martin luther king iii and eleanor thank you very much. reverend al sharpton is going to stick around. coming up, we'll take a look at the ten demands on the march on washington. which included a national minimum wage act that will give
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we cannot be discouraged by a supreme court decision that said we don't need this critical provision of the voting rights act because look at the states, it made it harder for african-americans, hispanics and students. and the elderly and the infirm and more working folks to vote. what do you know? they showed up, stood in line for hours and voted anyway. so obviously we don't need any kind of law. but a great democracy does not make it harder to vote than to buy an assault weapon.
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that's former president bill clinton today marking the 50th anniversary on the march of washington. the steps of the lincoln memorial, part of a day long nationwide commemoration. still with me is reverend al sharpton, host of msnbc's politics nation. and chris matthews. this speech happened in washington, the march happened in washington for a reason, which was, washington was where the movement wanted to see action on civil rights legislation. that was the predicate, the first demand is comprehensive and official civil rights legislation to guarantee all americans, and they list different things they wanted. kennedy had announced his intentions. his support for such an act. what was the dynamics here politically of showing up with 200,000 people on the mall? >> he was, woulding his way, you get the tapes. you can get some tapes. kennedy was working with his through the judiciary committee in the house. he was working him to get some
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of the liberal members who are being a little too perfecto. they wouldn't push the liberal health care, the civil rights bill. this is public accommodations and fair employment practices. you can go to the restrooms, hotels, restaurants. these are the doors closed for african-americ african-americans. and he was pushing that through right up until he died. now, you can wonder whether he had ever gotten past comber and those guys, but he was doing what he could do. and the shock of his assassination. and the legislative genius of the president. and, of course, the outside as you've said so many times, the partnership between outside and inside all came together and magically, they got a bill through, and the supreme court said yeah, that's the other thing we kept forgetting. we had a liberal supreme court. a right wing supreme court may have stricken that. interstate commerce is stretched here. they didn't. this is an incredible moment that happens after the march and
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the speech. a bunch of the folks have just spoken and go over to the white house. this is john lewis. he stood in the door of the oval office, he greeted each one of us. he was so pleased, so happy that everything had gone well. they were sweating it in the white house, if this didn't go well -- >> they didn't know if violence was going to break out, they didn't know what was going to happen, and i think that the president invited them over, because he was relieved and congratulated them for making their point, which he had in many ways associated, therefore, putting a lot of political capital behind. the other thing that i think is important, is the aren't demonstration was in washington, it was that they wanted the federal government to supersede the state laws, they were fighting states. notice kings words. governor's lips dripping with the words of interposition of
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null fiction. they were nullifying federal law. that's why they wanted a bill from washington, to protect them from alabama and mississippi, et cetera. >> one of the things that happens in history, right? when we look back, everyone seems like they're all on the same page. at the time, of course, it's incredibly contentious. >> his best friend was george smajers. his best friend was a segregationist. richard russell, an out and out segregationist. the great anti-war hero. total segregationist. 22 southern democrats, the republican party, great irony i talked about tonight. only two republican senators voted against voting rights. john tower of texas and strom, who was also a secret dixie-crat. >> john lewis shows up with a speech in which he says, he's going to get up at that podium and say, we do not support the president's civil rights legislation, because it does not go far enough.
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>> the unsaid thing that we have mentioned through all of the last few days is black politicians couldn't speak. adam klain couldn't speak because of the politics. adam sat on the side and listened to the speak. >> why couldn't he speak? >> because no one knew what he was saying. and there was the tension with the kennedys and all of that. there was a lot of what we hear today, we romanticize that it didn't happen yesterday. it did. >> i remember dr. king, i have to tell you, he was controversial right to the end. when he started pushing for jobs, and then he started pushing against the vietnam war, i remember my brother saying, why doesn't he stick to his thing. the thing meant blacks were getting killed in vietnam. that thing enlarged, wasn't like he thought of the vietnam war, you know? >> reverend al sharpton, host of politics nation and chris matthews host of hardball on msnbc. >> thank you. up next, 50 years after the speech, the nation's first
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african-american president helped preserve the memory of the march on washington. we'll hear what president obama had to say, as he stood in the same spot as dr. king. hey linda! what are you guys doing? having some fiber! with new phillips' fiber good gummies. they're fruity delicious! just two gummies have 4 grams of fiber! to help support regularity! i want some... [ woman ] hop on over! [ marge ] fiber the fun way, from phillips'. [ beeping ] ♪
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on the steps of the lincoln memorial, martin luther king, jr. laid out his vision for an equal society, telling those who marched alongside him, 1963 is
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not an end but a beginning. a half century later, the nation's first african-american president stood on those same steps. >> because they kept marching, america changed. because they marched, the civil rights law was passed. because they marched, a voting rights law was signed. because they marched, doors of opportunity and education swung open. because they marched, the city councils changed and state legislatures changed and congress changed and yes, eventually the white house changed. because they marched, america became more free and more fair.
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not just for african-americans, but for women and latinos. asians and native americans. for catholics, jews and muslims, for gays, for americans with disabilities. america changed for you and for me. and the entire world drew strength from that example. whether the young people who watched from the other side of the iron curtain and would eventually tear down that wall. or the young people inside south africa would eventually end the scurge of apartheid. those are the victories they want with iron wills and hope in their hearts. that is the transformation that
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they rock, with each step of their well worn shoes. that's the debt in a i and the millions of americans owe those maids, laborers, porters, secretaries. folks who could have run a company maybe if they ever had a chance. those white students who put themselves in harm's way, even though they didn't have to. those japanese americans who were called their own internment, those jewish-americans who had survived the holocaust, people who could have given up and given in, but kept on keeping on. knowing that we may endure for a night, but joy cometh in the morning. >> how can what happened 50 years ago, shape what happens now. we'll talk about the new frontier of civil rights with a special panel, including the widow of maker evers who talked
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on monday about the ways in which her generation has failed to carry that day forward. [ male announcer ] come to the lexus golden opportunity sales event and choose from one of five lexus hybrids that's right for you, including the lexus es and ct hybrids. ♪ this is the pursuit of perfection. [ male announcer ] from the last day of school, back to the first. they're gonna make everything from posters to do it yourself tattoos. so make sure they've got the sharpies to make their mark. this week only get sharpie five packs for a dollar.
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staples has it. staples. that was easy. the placards at the march read now as we look back 50 years and see with our own eyes and hear with our own ears the message of dr. martin luther king, jr. we encounter the now, when we return, how the next generation of civil rights leaders are following in the footsteps of dr. king to address the dream. what is your vision for the future. go to msnbc.com or tweet with the #advancingthedream.
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we are the forgotten generation, we are the illegals. we are the thugs. we are the generation that you
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locked in the basement while movement conversations were going on upstairs. we are the generation that you told to be afraid of our life. our darkness. who we came to love. but we are here today to join in a conversation that will shake the very foundations of this capitol. >> that was phillip agnew of the dream defenders, who just ended a 31 day occupation. speaking over the weekend in washington, d.c., nearly 50 years after the march on washington. joining me now is the widow of slain civil rights leader, founder of the medgar and myrlie evers foundation. congresswoman karen bass, democrat from california and a member of the congressional black caucus. i'd like to 125start with you a
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ask what it's been like, when that time came so fresh off the worst day in your life? >> quite honestly, it's been difficult, but it's been very encouraging, and exciting. all in the same. let's go back. medgar had been assassinated about a month before the march on washington. one of the most tragic and unnerving experiences in my life and for my children, he came home from a meeting, holding t-shirts that read jim crow must go. as he got out of the car, he was shot in the back. we heard the rifle shot, the children ran to the bathroom and tried to get into the tub. it had been described as the safest place in the house. medgar had taught them that. i went to the front door, the force of the bullet had pushed him forward in his car, and with
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the strength of whatever, he was able to move himself to the door with his keys in his hand. that's what we saw. i must tell you, at that point in time, all of the civil rights activities disappeared. it was a loss of my husband and my children's father. we got through the first funeral, he was buried at arlington cemetery, and my life as a widow became front page. so today i felt myself going through so many, many emotions. that of being so proud of seeing young people step up, a younger generation step up and seize the moment and the opportunity, and having that feeling that everything is not lost. by golly, we have such a bright future here with these young people. but also in the back of my mind there were all of these emotions, when i saw the king
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children, i became very full. because i remembered coretta scott king as well as dr. king, and how much they wanted that family unit together. how much they had suffered, of hearing the reverend bernice king speak and deliver such a forceful message. it reminded me of a father, and i felt a sense of prime with that, i've had all of these mixed emotions. >> when you hear that, one of the things that's been striking to me about the dream defenders is how clearly and forthrightly you place yourself in the tradition of the civil rights struggle. >> yes, of direct action, direct nonviolent action. how do you feel being here, and when you hear the story of medgar evers, knowing the line of sacrifice that has come before you? >> you know, i speak for myself
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and others and say, we're just humbled to be here. the civil rights movement is our compass, it's our blueprint. it's the reason for being, it's the reason we're here. we're blessed to having that as a compass, due north for us. it's humbling to be here, it's humbling they speak so highly of us, and really the work that we have to do is sadly reminiscent of the work that was spoken about in the i have a dream speech. >> one of the things that i think is interesting. you did this occupation for a special session, and then a law named after trayvon martin, and racial profiling, and the school, the prison pipeline. are you reinventing direct action, or are you going back and reading the manuals? are you learning the -- >> the way we look at it is, we have a car. and that car was built very well, but we have the benefit of some gps now.
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anti-lock brakes and technology that we have to use at our disposal. no, we're not reinventing the wheel, we're using everything at our disposal to make sure our car goes fast. our car goes far, and we see victory in everything we're doing. >> there were i think four african-american members of congress on the day dr. martin king gave his speech. there were 44 today. how do you understand yourself as someone who is in both inherit the tradition of activism and you are within the halls of power yourself? >> well, it's absolutely what shaped my life. i remember 50 years ago, i was nine years old, i remember it very well. you have two and a half generations here. it was the struggles of the civil rights movement that absolutely shaped my life and made me make a commitment at a young age that i was going to devote my life to fighting for social and economic justice. i spent many years before being
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in office, being involved in direct action, studied the civil rights movement, and spent a great deal of time trying to raise the next generation. >> how does the psychological experience of being the person who is sitting in a politician's office and being the person who's going to work in the politician's office, how does that change you? how do you view that now? is there a part of you that changes internally? >> there is a part of my behavior that changes, not my gut, not my soul, not my principles. to me, i fund amountsly believe the way you bring about true change is through an inside and outside strategy. direct action, community organizing, i've had a ball trying to apply it in the legislative context. there's absolutely a way to do it. i think it's very consistent. i love your gps. >> thank you. >> do you think, one of the things that i think -- when you go back to the actual history of this was, one of the things that they had to do with the speech
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was press on allies, right? there were allies in power who were sympathetic to the movement, but didn't want to move too fast and lose too many southern dixie-crat votes. >> that's true. but there's something about momentum, when it starts, it's difficult to slow it down. particularly if it's for the right cause. this is the case, and to see what is happening today, if i may turn to you and say your generation, i am just so happy and pleased to see what's happening. >> can you feel that momentum when it's happening. do you know the momentum is happening when you feel it? >> absolutely, you do. >> all have you to go is look around the country. and you can see it in different pockets and there's been a long running question. where are the young people at. i think a lot of young people are saying, we're here, we're here. we've been in north carolina defending voting rights, you know? we've been here in florida
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fighting against racial oppression. we've been in ohio fighting for fair wages. and so we're here. you can feel it, and you can see it, and i think we're at a very interesting time. the skill of the organizer is to have the pulse on the people so you know when that is happening. even though i sit in the house of representatives, i think the outside pressure is absolutely critical. >> does it bother you when you get outside pressure? >> no, it doesn't. i am absolutely telling you -- >> i feel like every politician, in their heart of hearts are there, there's some part of you that thinks, it makes my life so much easier. >> they're supposed to hold me accountable. that's why i'd like town halls. >> one of the things i hope for, is there will be more and more publicity on what our younger people are doing. it's absolutely necessary to move forward. >> civil rights activists, it's a great, great honor to have you here. thank you all so much. >> thank you.
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that is it for this special edition of all in, thank you for being here with us tonight. it was amazing to be able to watch that speech and share it with you. the rachel maddow show starts right now about. >> that was amazing. looking back at last night, i need to commend you for kicking my butt in the ratings last night. in the hope that you don't make a habit of it, congratulations my friend. tonight was amazing. >> thank you, rachel. >> thanks to you at home as well for staying with us the next hour. this is the northwood theater in baltimore maryland. it opened in 1950, but it was not until 13 years later that a movie was shown at this theater, before an audience that included both black people and white people. it had been a whites only movie theater in baltimore. incidentally, the first movie they did show to an integrated audience in 1963, it was this movie in search of the castaways, which was a disney movie and it was terrible. but still there had been